George III's speech on the American colonies
Common SenseGeorge III’s speech on the American colonies, published in the same city on the day Common Sense first appeared, is presented by Thomas Paine as an immediate confirmation of his case for American independence. Rather than deterring resistance, the speech, in Paine’s account, made the need for separation more apparent and helped prepare readers to accept independence as a political necessity.
Publication and Immediate Effect
Paine emphasizes the coincidence between the pamphlet’s first edition and the appearance of the King’s Speech. He describes the timing as exceptionally opportune: even a prophecy could not have arranged for the speech to appear at a more necessary moment. The pamphlet’s argument for independence thus meets a fresh public statement from the Crown almost as soon as it enters circulation.
The effect, Paine argues, was the reverse of intimidation. The speech did not frighten readers into submission; its perceived hostility reinforced the pamphlet’s call for independence. Paine says that people read it in a spirit of retaliation, and that the contrast between the speech and the pamphlet’s principles strengthened rather than weakened the case for separation. In this account, the speech becomes a political event whose impact derives not only from what the Crown said but from how its publication altered the force of the argument already before the public.
Paine’s Judgment of the Speech
Paine condemns the speech as an attack on truth, the common good, and human existence. He characterizes it as a formal display that turns people into offerings to tyrannical pride, and treats the danger of such violence as a consequence of kingship. His language is deliberately sweeping: the speech, he argues, makes the brutality and tyranny of royal government visible rather than concealing them.
This judgment belongs to Paine’s polemic, not to a neutral account of the speech’s contents. The evidence here does not reproduce the King’s address itself. Instead, it shows Paine interpreting its tone and political meaning as so unmistakable that it could not persuade readers by disguising its purpose. He contrasts the King with an Indigenous hunter, declaring the latter less savage than the British monarch. The comparison intensifies Paine’s attack on royal authority and rejects the assumption that a king’s status makes his conduct civilized or legitimate.
Paine also argues that a ruler who has broken moral and human obligations has forfeited the deference ordinarily attached to the office. By the time he returns to the speech in the appendix, he considers the King’s words and actions of little practical importance beside America’s responsibility to provide for itself. The address matters chiefly as evidence in his argument that the Crown has made continued dependence untenable.
From Dependence to Independence
The speech’s force in the appendix rests on arguments developed elsewhere in Common Sense. Paine maintains that dependence on Great Britain draws America into European wars and quarrels, disrupting trade and alienating nations with which the colonies might otherwise be friendly. He further argues that colonial affairs cannot be administered justly from across several thousand miles: petitions must travel for months, and their answers require still more time to explain. In this framework, the speech intensifies an existing indictment of imperial rule rather than standing alone as the cause of the independence argument.
Independence also has practical diplomatic consequences in Paine’s reasoning. While America calls itself a British subject, other powers cannot readily mediate a conflict between it and Britain; nor, Paine argues, should France or Spain be expected to assist the colonies in repairing Britain’s hold over them. Continued claims of British subjecthood meanwhile make armed resistance appear abroad as rebellion. A declaration of independence, accompanied by an account of colonial grievances and an assurance of peaceful intentions and willingness to trade, would allow America to address foreign courts on the footing of a nation.
Paine connects this change in status to the possibility of organizing government on the continent’s own terms. He proposes annual assemblies with a president and places their domestic business under the authority of a Continental Congress. Elsewhere, he urges Americans to form a charter before delegating power, warning that a government not legally established might be seized by a conqueror. The King’s Speech therefore appears within a larger argument: independence would not merely express a break with Britain but open the way to self-government and a different relationship with the wider world.
Political and Religious Argument
The appendix’s attack on the speech also draws on Paine’s broader opposition to monarchy. He argues that elevating one person above others cannot be justified by the equal rights of nature or by scripture. His readings of Gideon and Samuel present biblical opposition to kingship as a warning against transferring political authority to a hereditary ruler. In Paine’s use of these accounts, royal power is not sacred simply because it is called sacred; it must be judged by its effects and by the legitimacy of its origin.
That argument is linked to a distinction between religious protection and religious establishment. Paine calls it government’s duty to protect people of different religious convictions, but denies that government has any further religious business. He treats religious diversity as compatible with civic fellowship and describes differing denominations as members of one family. This position informs his political challenge to the King’s Speech: resistance to royal rule need not mean hostility to religion, and religious conviction need not require political submission.
The speech’s significance in Common Sense is thus both immediate and structural. Paine presents it as a timely confirmation of the case for independence, while using it to bind together his critiques of monarchy, imperial dependence, delayed and distant government, and the obstacles facing America in foreign affairs. Its place in the appendix gives the political argument a sharp new occasion: the Crown’s address, as Paine interprets it, makes the choice between continued dependence and self-government harder to defer.